The debate on renaming the North-West Frontier Province (NWFP) is serious business because it concerns the identity of its people and their place in the federation of Pakistan. However, the direction it has taken is sometimes comical, and at best uninformed and politicised. Coining a new name for the province has become a favourite pastime for many people and, surprisingly, even those not belonging to it appear keen to select, if not impose, a name of their own choices.
Names such as Neelab, Nuristan and Darul Islam have been proposed for NWFP. People with fertile imaginations and unconcerned that the issue was to provide identity to its majority Pakhtun population came up with still more bizarre names that don't even deserve to be discussed. Abaseen and Khyber were pushed into the limelight after receiving backing from the PML-N and PML-Q. Abaseen is a name used for River Indus that runs not just through the NWFP but also Gilgit-Baltistan, Punjab and Sindh, while Khyber is the name of a mountain pass that links Afghanistan with Pakistan.
Khyber Pass is the most famous of them, but we also have the Gomal, Tochi, Khojak, Nawa and other passes that connect the two countries. Naming educational institutions, banks and other institutions after Khyber has been a popular option because it is non-controversial and possibly also for want of more suitable names. But neither Abaseen nor Khyber could confer the identity that most people in NWFP seek in demanding the renaming of their province.
Lately, compound names have been proposed for NWFP as a compromise to overcome the deadlock between the two major parties to the dispute, the Awami National Party (ANP) and the PML-N. Hyphenation to "Pakhtunkhwa" of names including "Abaseen," "Khyber," "Hazara" and "Afghania" have been suggested as a way out of the stalemate. But not only will this make the new name long, but there will be no end to demands by other parts of NWFP, including Dera Ismail Khan and Chitral, seeking the addition of the names of the own regions. Certain politicians from Dera Ismail Khan even suggested "Pakhtunkhwa-Dera-Hazara." One didn't hear Gandhara, the old Buddhist-era name of the Frontier, as a possible new name, or part of a compound name. Gandhara is certainly better in the historical context than, say, Khyber and Abaseen.
It is understandable if politicians with an eye to their respective vote banks adopt unreasonable attitudes on the issue. But it is disappointing if respected people such as Air Marshal (r) M Asghar Khan and retired civil servant Kunwar Idris don't check their facts before commenting on the question. Writing in a newspaper on March 28, Asghar Khan commented that "in a province in which the Pakhtuns are a little over half its population, insisting on renaming it Pakhtunkhwa could prove a divisive one." He also proposed Sarhad, which means "border" and is already used in reference to the province in Urdu, as the new name. In the same paper, Dawn, the same day, Kunwar Idris wrote that "most Punjabi- and Hindko-speaking inhabitants of the province (who, perhaps, outnumber the Pashto speakers)..." He also said that Pakhtunkhwa would carry a ring of Pakhtunistan for the devout Muslim Leaguers opposed to the ANP, which is spearheading the campaign for the name Pakhtunkhwa.
For the information of Asghar Khan, Kunwar Idris and others, the 1998 census showed that 73.9 per cent of NWFP's population spoke Pashto, 3.86 per cent, largely in Dera Ismail Khan, spoke Saraiki, 0.97 per cent Punjabi, 0.78 per cent Urdu, 0.04 per cent Sindhi and 0.01 per cent Balochi. A significant 20.43 per cent people listed in the "Others" column obviously included speakers of Hindko (believed to around 18 per cent), Chitrali, Gojri and other languages. The next population census must have separate columns for Hindko and the other languages to avoid future controversies.
73.9 per cent Pakhtuns in the census mentioned Pashto as their mother tongue, though there are many others in Dera Ismail Khan, including the Jadoons, Tarins, Mashwanis and Swatis in Hazara region and Miankhels, Gandapurs and Kundis, who are Pakhtuns but have forgotten Pashto. Challenge them that they aren't Pakhtun, and there is a chance they might come to blows with you.
The census figures for the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (Fata), which are geographically and politically part of NWFP, are even more revealing in terms of the Pakhtun identity of the population. In 1998 an overwhelming 99.1 per cent of the 3.176 million population of Fata, to which the change of name will also apply, declared Pashto as their mother tongue. Even though the tribal areas have a largely separate administrative setup, it is headed by the governor of NWFP. If the Fata figures are added to those of the settled areas or districts falling under NWFP, the percentage of Pakhtuns and Pashto-speakers will rise even further.
In opposing the renaming of the province to Pakhtunkhwa, the two Muslim League factions led by Mian Nawaz Sharif and Chaudhry Shujaat Hussain are driven by the fear of losing votes in certain non-Pashto-speaking areas. These are the only two significant political parties represented in parliament that object to the name Pakhtunkhwa. The Jamaat-e-Islami and Imran Khan's Pakistan Tehrik-e-Insaf -- lacking representation in the parliament after unwisely boycotting the 2008 general elections and now keen to contest every by-election to get back into the assemblies -- also have reservations about Pakhtunkhwa and would likely support a provincial referendum on the issue. Almost all other political parties support Pakhtunkhwa, or in case of a stalemate, the alternative names Pakhtunistan and Afghania.
If democratic norms are to be followed, then the wishes of the majority need to be respected in the renaming. The NWFP Assembly, reflecting the will of the people, a passed resolution in favour of Pakhtunkhwa by majority vote in November 1997, with only the Saifullah brothers, Salim and Humayun, opposing it, and lawmakers from the PML-N, which was then a coalition partner of the ANP in NWFP, abstaining from the vote.
Abstention isn't opposition and the decision not to oppose the resolution was taken to save the coalition government from collapsing. Politics rather than principles was behind this decision by the then PML-affiliated chief minister Sardar Mahtab Ahmad Khan, Pir Sabir Shah and other Hazara politicians now in the forefront of opposition to Pakhtunkhwa. It is intriguing that the PML-N, according to Pir Sabir Shah, was willing to accept Afghania as the new name for NWFP. Though the ANP leadership too appears ready to agree to Afghania, it is difficult to understand how this name would protect the identity of non-Pakhtuns in Hazara or elsewhere who believe Pakhtunkhwa would wipe out their identity. Abaseen, Khyber and other names too cannot give an identity to the non-Pakhtun populations, but they would certainly deprive the majority Pakhtuns of their identity.
The argument against Pakhtunkhwa that it is ethnic-based is neutralised by the fact that all other provinces in Pakistan carry names that identify the majority ethnic groups living there. Even if Punjab is named after its five rivers or Sindh after the River Indus, the majority populations in the two provinces have come to be known as Punjabis and Sindhis. Balochistan is obviously named after the Baloch, the majority ethnic group in the province along with their Brahvi cousins.
Controversies would erupt if Punjab, Sindh and Balochistan were to be renamed today. The number of Saraiki-speakers in Punjab are 17.36 per cent of its population, compared to 75.23 Punjabis; in Sindh only 59.73 per cent of the population speaks Sindhi, while 21.05 per cent speaks Urdu; 6.99 per cent speak Punjabi and 4.19 per cent Pashto; in Balochistan, not more than 54.76 per cent of the population name Balochi as their mother tongue, compared to 29.64 per cent naming Pashto, 5.58 per cent Sindhi, 2.52 per cent Punjabi, and 2.42 per cent Saraiki. In fact, Pashto-speakers in NWFP and Fata form the largest group of a single ethnicity in any province in Pakistan.
Ignoring the aspirations of the Pakhtun people (15.42 per cent), who form the second-largest ethnic group in Pakistan after Punjabis (44.15 per cent) and refusing to provide them an identity in the renaming of their province, would be both undemocratic and unjust.
Tuesday, March 30, 2010
The Case for Pakhthunkhwa...Rahimullah Yusafzai
The debate on renaming the North-West Frontier Province (NWFP) is serious business because it concerns the identity of its people and their place in the federation of Pakistan. However, the direction it has taken is sometimes comical, and at best uninformed and politicised. Coining a new name for the province has become a favourite pastime for many people and, surprisingly, even those not belonging to it appear keen to select, if not impose, a name of their own choices.
Names such as Neelab, Nuristan and Darul Islam have been proposed for NWFP. People with fertile imaginations and unconcerned that the issue was to provide identity to its majority Pakhtun population came up with still more bizarre names that don't even deserve to be discussed. Abaseen and Khyber were pushed into the limelight after receiving backing from the PML-N and PML-Q. Abaseen is a name used for River Indus that runs not just through the NWFP but also Gilgit-Baltistan, Punjab and Sindh, while Khyber is the name of a mountain pass that links Afghanistan with Pakistan.
Khyber Pass is the most famous of them, but we also have the Gomal, Tochi, Khojak, Nawa and other passes that connect the two countries. Naming educational institutions, banks and other institutions after Khyber has been a popular option because it is non-controversial and possibly also for want of more suitable names. But neither Abaseen nor Khyber could confer the identity that most people in NWFP seek in demanding the renaming of their province.
Lately, compound names have been proposed for NWFP as a compromise to overcome the deadlock between the two major parties to the dispute, the Awami National Party (ANP) and the PML-N. Hyphenation to "Pakhtunkhwa" of names including "Abaseen," "Khyber," "Hazara" and "Afghania" have been suggested as a way out of the stalemate. But not only will this make the new name long, but there will be no end to demands by other parts of NWFP, including Dera Ismail Khan and Chitral, seeking the addition of the names of the own regions. Certain politicians from Dera Ismail Khan even suggested "Pakhtunkhwa-Dera-Hazara." One didn't hear Gandhara, the old Buddhist-era name of the Frontier, as a possible new name, or part of a compound name. Gandhara is certainly better in the historical context than, say, Khyber and Abaseen.
It is understandable if politicians with an eye to their respective vote banks adopt unreasonable attitudes on the issue. But it is disappointing if respected people such as Air Marshal (r) M Asghar Khan and retired civil servant Kunwar Idris don't check their facts before commenting on the question. Writing in a newspaper on March 28, Asghar Khan commented that "in a province in which the Pakhtuns are a little over half its population, insisting on renaming it Pakhtunkhwa could prove a divisive one." He also proposed Sarhad, which means "border" and is already used in reference to the province in Urdu, as the new name. In the same paper, Dawn, the same day, Kunwar Idris wrote that "most Punjabi- and Hindko-speaking inhabitants of the province (who, perhaps, outnumber the Pashto speakers)..." He also said that Pakhtunkhwa would carry a ring of Pakhtunistan for the devout Muslim Leaguers opposed to the ANP, which is spearheading the campaign for the name Pakhtunkhwa.
For the information of Asghar Khan, Kunwar Idris and others, the 1998 census showed that 73.9 per cent of NWFP's population spoke Pashto, 3.86 per cent, largely in Dera Ismail Khan, spoke Saraiki, 0.97 per cent Punjabi, 0.78 per cent Urdu, 0.04 per cent Sindhi and 0.01 per cent Balochi. A significant 20.43 per cent people listed in the "Others" column obviously included speakers of Hindko (believed to around 18 per cent), Chitrali, Gojri and other languages. The next population census must have separate columns for Hindko and the other languages to avoid future controversies.
73.9 per cent Pakhtuns in the census mentioned Pashto as their mother tongue, though there are many others in Dera Ismail Khan, including the Jadoons, Tarins, Mashwanis and Swatis in Hazara region and Miankhels, Gandapurs and Kundis, who are Pakhtuns but have forgotten Pashto. Challenge them that they aren't Pakhtun, and there is a chance they might come to blows with you.
The census figures for the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (Fata), which are geographically and politically part of NWFP, are even more revealing in terms of the Pakhtun identity of the population. In 1998 an overwhelming 99.1 per cent of the 3.176 million population of Fata, to which the change of name will also apply, declared Pashto as their mother tongue. Even though the tribal areas have a largely separate administrative setup, it is headed by the governor of NWFP. If the Fata figures are added to those of the settled areas or districts falling under NWFP, the percentage of Pakhtuns and Pashto-speakers will rise even further.
In opposing the renaming of the province to Pakhtunkhwa, the two Muslim League factions led by Mian Nawaz Sharif and Chaudhry Shujaat Hussain are driven by the fear of losing votes in certain non-Pashto-speaking areas. These are the only two significant political parties represented in parliament that object to the name Pakhtunkhwa. The Jamaat-e-Islami and Imran Khan's Pakistan Tehrik-e-Insaf -- lacking representation in the parliament after unwisely boycotting the 2008 general elections and now keen to contest every by-election to get back into the assemblies -- also have reservations about Pakhtunkhwa and would likely support a provincial referendum on the issue. Almost all other political parties support Pakhtunkhwa, or in case of a stalemate, the alternative names Pakhtunistan and Afghania.
If democratic norms are to be followed, then the wishes of the majority need to be respected in the renaming. The NWFP Assembly, reflecting the will of the people, a passed resolution in favour of Pakhtunkhwa by majority vote in November 1997, with only the Saifullah brothers, Salim and Humayun, opposing it, and lawmakers from the PML-N, which was then a coalition partner of the ANP in NWFP, abstaining from the vote.
Abstention isn't opposition and the decision not to oppose the resolution was taken to save the coalition government from collapsing. Politics rather than principles was behind this decision by the then PML-affiliated chief minister Sardar Mahtab Ahmad Khan, Pir Sabir Shah and other Hazara politicians now in the forefront of opposition to Pakhtunkhwa. It is intriguing that the PML-N, according to Pir Sabir Shah, was willing to accept Afghania as the new name for NWFP. Though the ANP leadership too appears ready to agree to Afghania, it is difficult to understand how this name would protect the identity of non-Pakhtuns in Hazara or elsewhere who believe Pakhtunkhwa would wipe out their identity. Abaseen, Khyber and other names too cannot give an identity to the non-Pakhtun populations, but they would certainly deprive the majority Pakhtuns of their identity.
The argument against Pakhtunkhwa that it is ethnic-based is neutralised by the fact that all other provinces in Pakistan carry names that identify the majority ethnic groups living there. Even if Punjab is named after its five rivers or Sindh after the River Indus, the majority populations in the two provinces have come to be known as Punjabis and Sindhis. Balochistan is obviously named after the Baloch, the majority ethnic group in the province along with their Brahvi cousins.
Controversies would erupt if Punjab, Sindh and Balochistan were to be renamed today. The number of Saraiki-speakers in Punjab are 17.36 per cent of its population, compared to 75.23 Punjabis; in Sindh only 59.73 per cent of the population speaks Sindhi, while 21.05 per cent speaks Urdu; 6.99 per cent speak Punjabi and 4.19 per cent Pashto; in Balochistan, not more than 54.76 per cent of the population name Balochi as their mother tongue, compared to 29.64 per cent naming Pashto, 5.58 per cent Sindhi, 2.52 per cent Punjabi, and 2.42 per cent Saraiki. In fact, Pashto-speakers in NWFP and Fata form the largest group of a single ethnicity in any province in Pakistan.
Ignoring the aspirations of the Pakhtun people (15.42 per cent), who form the second-largest ethnic group in Pakistan after Punjabis (44.15 per cent) and refusing to provide them an identity in the renaming of their province, would be both undemocratic and unjust.
Names such as Neelab, Nuristan and Darul Islam have been proposed for NWFP. People with fertile imaginations and unconcerned that the issue was to provide identity to its majority Pakhtun population came up with still more bizarre names that don't even deserve to be discussed. Abaseen and Khyber were pushed into the limelight after receiving backing from the PML-N and PML-Q. Abaseen is a name used for River Indus that runs not just through the NWFP but also Gilgit-Baltistan, Punjab and Sindh, while Khyber is the name of a mountain pass that links Afghanistan with Pakistan.
Khyber Pass is the most famous of them, but we also have the Gomal, Tochi, Khojak, Nawa and other passes that connect the two countries. Naming educational institutions, banks and other institutions after Khyber has been a popular option because it is non-controversial and possibly also for want of more suitable names. But neither Abaseen nor Khyber could confer the identity that most people in NWFP seek in demanding the renaming of their province.
Lately, compound names have been proposed for NWFP as a compromise to overcome the deadlock between the two major parties to the dispute, the Awami National Party (ANP) and the PML-N. Hyphenation to "Pakhtunkhwa" of names including "Abaseen," "Khyber," "Hazara" and "Afghania" have been suggested as a way out of the stalemate. But not only will this make the new name long, but there will be no end to demands by other parts of NWFP, including Dera Ismail Khan and Chitral, seeking the addition of the names of the own regions. Certain politicians from Dera Ismail Khan even suggested "Pakhtunkhwa-Dera-Hazara." One didn't hear Gandhara, the old Buddhist-era name of the Frontier, as a possible new name, or part of a compound name. Gandhara is certainly better in the historical context than, say, Khyber and Abaseen.
It is understandable if politicians with an eye to their respective vote banks adopt unreasonable attitudes on the issue. But it is disappointing if respected people such as Air Marshal (r) M Asghar Khan and retired civil servant Kunwar Idris don't check their facts before commenting on the question. Writing in a newspaper on March 28, Asghar Khan commented that "in a province in which the Pakhtuns are a little over half its population, insisting on renaming it Pakhtunkhwa could prove a divisive one." He also proposed Sarhad, which means "border" and is already used in reference to the province in Urdu, as the new name. In the same paper, Dawn, the same day, Kunwar Idris wrote that "most Punjabi- and Hindko-speaking inhabitants of the province (who, perhaps, outnumber the Pashto speakers)..." He also said that Pakhtunkhwa would carry a ring of Pakhtunistan for the devout Muslim Leaguers opposed to the ANP, which is spearheading the campaign for the name Pakhtunkhwa.
For the information of Asghar Khan, Kunwar Idris and others, the 1998 census showed that 73.9 per cent of NWFP's population spoke Pashto, 3.86 per cent, largely in Dera Ismail Khan, spoke Saraiki, 0.97 per cent Punjabi, 0.78 per cent Urdu, 0.04 per cent Sindhi and 0.01 per cent Balochi. A significant 20.43 per cent people listed in the "Others" column obviously included speakers of Hindko (believed to around 18 per cent), Chitrali, Gojri and other languages. The next population census must have separate columns for Hindko and the other languages to avoid future controversies.
73.9 per cent Pakhtuns in the census mentioned Pashto as their mother tongue, though there are many others in Dera Ismail Khan, including the Jadoons, Tarins, Mashwanis and Swatis in Hazara region and Miankhels, Gandapurs and Kundis, who are Pakhtuns but have forgotten Pashto. Challenge them that they aren't Pakhtun, and there is a chance they might come to blows with you.
The census figures for the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (Fata), which are geographically and politically part of NWFP, are even more revealing in terms of the Pakhtun identity of the population. In 1998 an overwhelming 99.1 per cent of the 3.176 million population of Fata, to which the change of name will also apply, declared Pashto as their mother tongue. Even though the tribal areas have a largely separate administrative setup, it is headed by the governor of NWFP. If the Fata figures are added to those of the settled areas or districts falling under NWFP, the percentage of Pakhtuns and Pashto-speakers will rise even further.
In opposing the renaming of the province to Pakhtunkhwa, the two Muslim League factions led by Mian Nawaz Sharif and Chaudhry Shujaat Hussain are driven by the fear of losing votes in certain non-Pashto-speaking areas. These are the only two significant political parties represented in parliament that object to the name Pakhtunkhwa. The Jamaat-e-Islami and Imran Khan's Pakistan Tehrik-e-Insaf -- lacking representation in the parliament after unwisely boycotting the 2008 general elections and now keen to contest every by-election to get back into the assemblies -- also have reservations about Pakhtunkhwa and would likely support a provincial referendum on the issue. Almost all other political parties support Pakhtunkhwa, or in case of a stalemate, the alternative names Pakhtunistan and Afghania.
If democratic norms are to be followed, then the wishes of the majority need to be respected in the renaming. The NWFP Assembly, reflecting the will of the people, a passed resolution in favour of Pakhtunkhwa by majority vote in November 1997, with only the Saifullah brothers, Salim and Humayun, opposing it, and lawmakers from the PML-N, which was then a coalition partner of the ANP in NWFP, abstaining from the vote.
Abstention isn't opposition and the decision not to oppose the resolution was taken to save the coalition government from collapsing. Politics rather than principles was behind this decision by the then PML-affiliated chief minister Sardar Mahtab Ahmad Khan, Pir Sabir Shah and other Hazara politicians now in the forefront of opposition to Pakhtunkhwa. It is intriguing that the PML-N, according to Pir Sabir Shah, was willing to accept Afghania as the new name for NWFP. Though the ANP leadership too appears ready to agree to Afghania, it is difficult to understand how this name would protect the identity of non-Pakhtuns in Hazara or elsewhere who believe Pakhtunkhwa would wipe out their identity. Abaseen, Khyber and other names too cannot give an identity to the non-Pakhtun populations, but they would certainly deprive the majority Pakhtuns of their identity.
The argument against Pakhtunkhwa that it is ethnic-based is neutralised by the fact that all other provinces in Pakistan carry names that identify the majority ethnic groups living there. Even if Punjab is named after its five rivers or Sindh after the River Indus, the majority populations in the two provinces have come to be known as Punjabis and Sindhis. Balochistan is obviously named after the Baloch, the majority ethnic group in the province along with their Brahvi cousins.
Controversies would erupt if Punjab, Sindh and Balochistan were to be renamed today. The number of Saraiki-speakers in Punjab are 17.36 per cent of its population, compared to 75.23 Punjabis; in Sindh only 59.73 per cent of the population speaks Sindhi, while 21.05 per cent speaks Urdu; 6.99 per cent speak Punjabi and 4.19 per cent Pashto; in Balochistan, not more than 54.76 per cent of the population name Balochi as their mother tongue, compared to 29.64 per cent naming Pashto, 5.58 per cent Sindhi, 2.52 per cent Punjabi, and 2.42 per cent Saraiki. In fact, Pashto-speakers in NWFP and Fata form the largest group of a single ethnicity in any province in Pakistan.
Ignoring the aspirations of the Pakhtun people (15.42 per cent), who form the second-largest ethnic group in Pakistan after Punjabis (44.15 per cent) and refusing to provide them an identity in the renaming of their province, would be both undemocratic and unjust.
Thursday, March 25, 2010
Monday, March 22, 2010
Examination and cheating in Karak
Every year when matriculation examination set in District Karak, reports on students cheating and expulsion from the exam halls are learnt through various sources and reports. One of my Facebook friend, Irfan Khattak from Karak sms me and told me that Exam of Matric has been started and cheating is on the rise in different schools located in Chokara and other places. This compelled me to write down this piece of writing here. Unfair means becomes even worsening each year in most of the centres. Now it has reached all-time heights. A casual attitude towards student cheating can result in lawsuits, and even change society. Therefore, all those responsible citizens who want brighter future of their sons and daughters who will shape their future society need to ponder over this malady and bring up lasting remedies. We know that bunch of invigilators will be there to frisk and check candidates to avoid malpractices. If anyone is found engaging in cheating, he or she will be expelled, punished, warned or forgiven by the invigilators or authority. And as commonly practiced and which I feel is just a short-lived solution, more invigilators or strictures will be deputed in more sensitive Exam Centres. And to curb such malpractices in the examination, rules and regulations of the candidates are given behind the Admit Cards by the authority. The punishment should not only be for the students and also extended to the invigilators too. The authorities will be very strict from now on to check such malpractices inside the examination hall. I am of the opinion that education is the institution where strict discipline is very necessary and unfair means should be strictly punished. No sympathy should be shown to the student caught cheating inside the examination hall. If our society is to progress, we must maintain high educational standards, and this is only possible if malpractices in examinations are curbed with an iron hand. However, contrarily I feel such laws or punishment are just temporary remedies. Any experienced teacher will know better when kids cheat, why kids cheat and how kids cheat in the exam. As I have never been a teacher in my lifetime and have no better solution, I only wish this piece of writing be a wake-up call for teachers and students. Instead of letting those set rules and regulations eliminate the common disease, why can’t we look from different dimension which is more lasting and holistic? Schools have the ability to drastically reduce cheating among their students. As most of such behaviours and techniques are learnt from the class room, it can be therefore stopped in the class room itself. It should be curbed before it’s instilled into the mind of the children and become a habit. And it needs little research on child behaviours through local prism. And the best ways would be to follow the tips from the experts through workshops and other programmes. All they need to do is follow the relatively simple and inexpensive solutions. Any teacher will know how to motivate kids so that they are much less likely to cheat. The only problem is that what we know about reducing cheating often isn’t put into practice in schools. Cheating is less likely to occur when the goal for students is “personal mastery” of the material – in other words, learning and understanding what is being taught.
Examination and cheating in Karak
Every year when matriculation examination set in District Karak, reports on students cheating and expulsion from the exam halls are learnt through various sources and reports. One of my Facebook friend, Irfan Khattak from Karak sms me and told me that Exam of Matric has been started and cheating is on the rise in different schools located in Chokara and other places. This compelled me to write down this piece of writing here. Unfair means becomes even worsening each year in most of the centres. Now it has reached all-time heights. A casual attitude towards student cheating can result in lawsuits, and even change society. Therefore, all those responsible citizens who want brighter future of their sons and daughters who will shape their future society need to ponder over this malady and bring up lasting remedies. We know that bunch of invigilators will be there to frisk and check candidates to avoid malpractices. If anyone is found engaging in cheating, he or she will be expelled, punished, warned or forgiven by the invigilators or authority. And as commonly practiced and which I feel is just a short-lived solution, more invigilators or strictures will be deputed in more sensitive Exam Centres. And to curb such malpractices in the examination, rules and regulations of the candidates are given behind the Admit Cards by the authority. The punishment should not only be for the students and also extended to the invigilators too. The authorities will be very strict from now on to check such malpractices inside the examination hall. I am of the opinion that education is the institution where strict discipline is very necessary and unfair means should be strictly punished. No sympathy should be shown to the student caught cheating inside the examination hall. If our society is to progress, we must maintain high educational standards, and this is only possible if malpractices in examinations are curbed with an iron hand. However, contrarily I feel such laws or punishment are just temporary remedies. Any experienced teacher will know better when kids cheat, why kids cheat and how kids cheat in the exam. As I have never been a teacher in my lifetime and have no better solution, I only wish this piece of writing be a wake-up call for teachers and students. Instead of letting those set rules and regulations eliminate the common disease, why can’t we look from different dimension which is more lasting and holistic? Schools have the ability to drastically reduce cheating among their students. As most of such behaviours and techniques are learnt from the class room, it can be therefore stopped in the class room itself. It should be curbed before it’s instilled into the mind of the children and become a habit. And it needs little research on child behaviours through local prism. And the best ways would be to follow the tips from the experts through workshops and other programmes. All they need to do is follow the relatively simple and inexpensive solutions. Any teacher will know how to motivate kids so that they are much less likely to cheat. The only problem is that what we know about reducing cheating often isn’t put into practice in schools. Cheating is less likely to occur when the goal for students is “personal mastery” of the material – in other words, learning and understanding what is being taught.
Sunday, February 28, 2010
We are Peaceful and Condemns brutality.
The Pakistani Taliban claimed responsibility on Sunday for a suicide attack on a police station in Karak that killed 4 people including two policemen.
In addition to the dead, more than two dozen people were wounded, most of them police officers, when an attacker detonated a pick-up van on Saturday at the gate of the main police station in Karak.
“We have done this,” Taliban spokesman Azam Tariq told AFP by telephone from an undisclosed location.
“Both the police and army are equal for us. Both are our enemies. They are responsible for the cruelties on us. We will carry out more such attacks against police.”
To all of us, the real peace lovers ,this attack on our peaceful minds is unacceptable.You can not change our bravery and confidence .We can face it with courage, such steps from infidels like can not frightened us.You all , who are engage in such acts are Kafirs, because .no Muslims can even think about such acts.
In addition to the dead, more than two dozen people were wounded, most of them police officers, when an attacker detonated a pick-up van on Saturday at the gate of the main police station in Karak.
“We have done this,” Taliban spokesman Azam Tariq told AFP by telephone from an undisclosed location.
“Both the police and army are equal for us. Both are our enemies. They are responsible for the cruelties on us. We will carry out more such attacks against police.”
To all of us, the real peace lovers ,this attack on our peaceful minds is unacceptable.You can not change our bravery and confidence .We can face it with courage, such steps from infidels like can not frightened us.You all , who are engage in such acts are Kafirs, because .no Muslims can even think about such acts.
Tuesday, January 5, 2010
Protest for freedom of Expression and Democracy
Protests For Democracy
Over the last two weeks in Iran, a resurgent Green movement has been staging a number of large demonstrations, showing that the reformist challenge to the Iranian regime remains as strong as it was in the days and weeks after Iran's controversial June 12 presidential elections. On Dec. 19, Grand Ayatollah Hossein Ali Al-Montazeri, Iran's leading clerical dissident and the Green movement's most vocal religious supporter, passed away at age 87. Demonstrations erupted at his funeral in the holy city of Qom two days later, "with several mourners clashing with groups of [pro-government] vigilantes, according to reports from witnesses and opposition Web sites." Police then "used tear gas and batons to disperse people." The demonstrations increased in size and intensity throughout the Muharram observances that week, during which Shia Muslims mourn the martyrdom of Imam Hussein, grandson of the Prophet Muhammad. The Iranian government responded to with increasing violence -- even on the holy day of Ashura, the culmination of the Muharram observances. Just as was done during the 1979 revolution in Iran, demonstrators used the occasion of the remembrance of Hussein's murder by an unjust ruler as a form of protest against the current regime, challenging its claim on being an "Islamic" government.
THE STATE OF THE REGIME: Even though they have been repeatedly warned by Iranian authorities, two presidential candidates associated with the Green movement, Mir Hossein Mousavi and Mehdi Karroubi, have continued to criticize the regime since June, exposing fissures in Iran's ruling revolutionary elite. But the latest protests represent a growing challenge not only to the conservative faction of President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, who many in Iran believe was re-elected fraudulently, but also to some extent to the very system that underpins the Iranian Republic -- velayet- faqih, or "rule of the jurisprudent," in which one supreme Ayatollah wields veto power over all aspects of Iranian government. The founder of this system and the Islamic Republic's first leader, Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, was Iran's most authoritative cleric. His successor, Ali Khamenei, has far weaker scholarly credentials and has faced increasing criticism from a number of reformist clerics (of whom Montazeri was the most notable) for what they see as his unjust stewardship of the republic, signified by Iran's authoritarian brutality. Combined with the challenges to the legitimacy of Iran's elections, this represents the most significant and sustained challenge to the Iranian government since the 1979 revolution.
WHAT SHOULD OBAMA DO?: Some have criticized President Obama for not more overtly taking sides in the Iranian dispute. Although he has spoken out in favor of human rights and fair elections in Iran, Obama has continually stressed that the current disagreement is for Iranians to resolve. In a statement on Dec. 28, the President said that what was "taking place in Iran is not about the United States or any other country. It's about the Iranian people and their aspirations for justice, and a better life for themselves," but he was "confident that history will be on the side of those who seek justice." As to how this might affect the administration's ongoing attempts to engage Iran over its nuclear program, Ray Takeyh, a former Obama administration adviser on Iran, said, "You can have negotiations with Iran, as the United States has had negotiations with many adversarial countries while also at the same time disapproving on the internal practices of those regimes." Though talks with Iran have thus far failed to achieve an agreement, in a recent article examining Obama's maneuvers over the last months, Iran expert Gary Sick wrote that Obama has effectively "taken what appeared to be a losing hand and, with a few well-placed leaks...converted a lose-lose proposition of crippling sanctions vs appeasement into an Iranian nuclear collapse."
TIME FOR SMART SANCTIONS: Though Iranians are uniformly against the kind of "crippling" sanctions that would hurt the Iranian population -- as well as against military strikes, which would snuff out the Green movement immediately -- some Iranian dissidents have voiced support for sanctions targeted at regime actors, such as the Revolutionary Guards, who have increasingly consolidated control over large segments of Iran's economy. Although Russia and China are, according to Iran analyst Karim Sadjadpour, "instinctively opposed to sanctions," Sadjadpour told Middle East Progress that "Iranian intransigence has put them in a bind." While some in Congress are anxious to employ precisely the sort of blunt sanctions that Iranian dissidents have said they don't want, the administration has been working on a set of sanctions that would target specific regime actors, rather than the Iranian people. Describing these measures, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton told Haaretz, "We have begun discussions with our partners and like-minded nations about pressure and sanctions," but that the goal was "to pressure the Iranian government, particularly the Revolutionary Guard elements without contributing to the suffering of ordinary [Iranians] who deserve better than what they are currently receiving." As an anonymous Green protester told the Washington Independent's Spencer Ackerman, what the Greens want from the world is to "help us make our democracy."
LABOR -- BUSINESS LOBBYISTS YEARN FOR THE DAYS WHEN BUSH APPOINTEE ELAINE CHAO RAN THE LABOR DEPARTMENT: The Associated Press reports that the first year of Labor Secretary Hilda Solis' tenure has brought "aggressive moves to boost enforcement and crack down on businesses that violate workplace safety rules have sent employers scrambling to make sure they are following the rules." In many ways, Solis has reversed the course of the Labor Department that was set by her Bush-era predecessor, Elaine Chao. Solis' crackdown has business lobbyists yearning for the days when Chao ran the show. "Our members are concerned that the department is shifting its focus from compliance assistance back to more of the 'gotcha' or aggressive enforcement first approach," Karen Harned, executive director of the National Federation of Independent Business' small business legal center, told BusinessWeek. Keith Smith, a spokesman for the National Association of Manufacturers, explained that his organizations wants "to build upon [Chao's] progress and recognize what's working." The business lobbyists' reaction to Solis' tenure is unsurprising, given the fact that her predecessor's Labor Department spent eight years "walking away from its regulatory function across a range of issues, including wage and hour law and workplace safety." The Government Accountability Office found that under Chao, the agency "did an inadequate job of investigating complaints by low-wage workers who alleged that their employers were stiffing them for overtime, or failing to pay the minimum wage." In one survey, 68 percent of low-income workers reported a pay violation in the previous week alone. Solis, meanwhile, has "slapped the largest fine in [Department] history on oil giant BP PLC for failing to fix safety problems after a 2005 explosion at its Texas City refinery." She is hiring 250 additional wage-theft inspectors, and "started a new program that scrutinizes business records to make sure worker injury and illness reports are accurate."
Former U.S. government officials said yesterday that the "suicide bomber who killed seven CIA operatives in Afghanistan last week was a Jordanian informant who lured intelligence officers into a trap by promising new information about al-Qaeda's top leadership." The bomber had been recruited to infiltrate the terrorist organization's leadership circles and was trusted by his CIA and Jordanian handlers.
"The Obama administration has transferred dozens of names from a broad terrorism database" to the no-fly list or to the Secondary Security Screening Selection list. White House spokesman Bill Burton said counterterrorism officials examined "thousands upon thousands" of names before deciding which to transfer.
The Obama administration's decision to require citizens traveling from 14 countries to receive extra searches at airports has drawn angry criticism from foreign officials. "It is unfair to discriminate against over 150 million people because of the behavior of one person," Nigerian information minister Dora Akunyili told the press.
Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-SC) was censured by the Lexington County Republican Party in South Carolina yesterday. Criticizing Graham for his vote in favor of the 2008 financial bailout and his outspoken support of immigration reform, the Lexington GOP became the second county party organization to pass a censure resolution.
$2.3 trillion: Amount the U.S. spent on health care in 2008, averaging $7,681 per person, and up 4.4 percent from 2007. The rate of growth was the lowest in 48 years because of the recession, although health spending "reached 16.2 percent of the gross domestic product in 2008, up from 15.9 percent in 2007." The White House called the new federal report "a striking reminder of what defenders of the status quo are defending."
"Senate Republicans are determined to prevent the creation of an independent Consumer Financial Protection Agency because they consider it as threatening as their current arch-nemesis regulator: the Environmental Protection Agency." "From the Republican point of view, the idea of a separate agency is still anathema," Sen. Bob Bennett (R-UT) told the Huffington Post. "Can you say EPA?"
"The number of Americans filing for personal bankruptcy rose by nearly a third in 2009, a surge largely driven by foreclosures and job losses," the Wall Street Journal reports. Personal bankruptcy filings hit 1.41 million last year, up 32 percent from 2008. Filing for Chapter 7 bankruptcy, "which liquidates assets to pay off some debts and absolves the filers of others," also rose 42 percent last year.
Secretary of State Hillary Clinton said yesterday that the Obama administration remains open to talks with Iran over its nuclear program, despite Tehran's unaccommodating stance. President Obama said he will move toward tougher sanctions if Iran does not respond positively to his overtures by the beginning of 2010.
Rajendra Pachauri, the chair of the Nobel Prize-winning U.N. Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, said that climate change skeptics and entrenched industries threaten to harm the world's poorest people. "Powerful vested interests are perhaps likely to get overactive in the coming months, and would perhaps do everything in their power to impede progress towards a binding agreement that is hoped for by the end of 2010 in Mexico City,"
Over the last two weeks in Iran, a resurgent Green movement has been staging a number of large demonstrations, showing that the reformist challenge to the Iranian regime remains as strong as it was in the days and weeks after Iran's controversial June 12 presidential elections. On Dec. 19, Grand Ayatollah Hossein Ali Al-Montazeri, Iran's leading clerical dissident and the Green movement's most vocal religious supporter, passed away at age 87. Demonstrations erupted at his funeral in the holy city of Qom two days later, "with several mourners clashing with groups of [pro-government] vigilantes, according to reports from witnesses and opposition Web sites." Police then "used tear gas and batons to disperse people." The demonstrations increased in size and intensity throughout the Muharram observances that week, during which Shia Muslims mourn the martyrdom of Imam Hussein, grandson of the Prophet Muhammad. The Iranian government responded to with increasing violence -- even on the holy day of Ashura, the culmination of the Muharram observances. Just as was done during the 1979 revolution in Iran, demonstrators used the occasion of the remembrance of Hussein's murder by an unjust ruler as a form of protest against the current regime, challenging its claim on being an "Islamic" government.
THE STATE OF THE REGIME: Even though they have been repeatedly warned by Iranian authorities, two presidential candidates associated with the Green movement, Mir Hossein Mousavi and Mehdi Karroubi, have continued to criticize the regime since June, exposing fissures in Iran's ruling revolutionary elite. But the latest protests represent a growing challenge not only to the conservative faction of President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, who many in Iran believe was re-elected fraudulently, but also to some extent to the very system that underpins the Iranian Republic -- velayet- faqih, or "rule of the jurisprudent," in which one supreme Ayatollah wields veto power over all aspects of Iranian government. The founder of this system and the Islamic Republic's first leader, Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, was Iran's most authoritative cleric. His successor, Ali Khamenei, has far weaker scholarly credentials and has faced increasing criticism from a number of reformist clerics (of whom Montazeri was the most notable) for what they see as his unjust stewardship of the republic, signified by Iran's authoritarian brutality. Combined with the challenges to the legitimacy of Iran's elections, this represents the most significant and sustained challenge to the Iranian government since the 1979 revolution.
WHAT SHOULD OBAMA DO?: Some have criticized President Obama for not more overtly taking sides in the Iranian dispute. Although he has spoken out in favor of human rights and fair elections in Iran, Obama has continually stressed that the current disagreement is for Iranians to resolve. In a statement on Dec. 28, the President said that what was "taking place in Iran is not about the United States or any other country. It's about the Iranian people and their aspirations for justice, and a better life for themselves," but he was "confident that history will be on the side of those who seek justice." As to how this might affect the administration's ongoing attempts to engage Iran over its nuclear program, Ray Takeyh, a former Obama administration adviser on Iran, said, "You can have negotiations with Iran, as the United States has had negotiations with many adversarial countries while also at the same time disapproving on the internal practices of those regimes." Though talks with Iran have thus far failed to achieve an agreement, in a recent article examining Obama's maneuvers over the last months, Iran expert Gary Sick wrote that Obama has effectively "taken what appeared to be a losing hand and, with a few well-placed leaks...converted a lose-lose proposition of crippling sanctions vs appeasement into an Iranian nuclear collapse."
TIME FOR SMART SANCTIONS: Though Iranians are uniformly against the kind of "crippling" sanctions that would hurt the Iranian population -- as well as against military strikes, which would snuff out the Green movement immediately -- some Iranian dissidents have voiced support for sanctions targeted at regime actors, such as the Revolutionary Guards, who have increasingly consolidated control over large segments of Iran's economy. Although Russia and China are, according to Iran analyst Karim Sadjadpour, "instinctively opposed to sanctions," Sadjadpour told Middle East Progress that "Iranian intransigence has put them in a bind." While some in Congress are anxious to employ precisely the sort of blunt sanctions that Iranian dissidents have said they don't want, the administration has been working on a set of sanctions that would target specific regime actors, rather than the Iranian people. Describing these measures, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton told Haaretz, "We have begun discussions with our partners and like-minded nations about pressure and sanctions," but that the goal was "to pressure the Iranian government, particularly the Revolutionary Guard elements without contributing to the suffering of ordinary [Iranians] who deserve better than what they are currently receiving." As an anonymous Green protester told the Washington Independent's Spencer Ackerman, what the Greens want from the world is to "help us make our democracy."
LABOR -- BUSINESS LOBBYISTS YEARN FOR THE DAYS WHEN BUSH APPOINTEE ELAINE CHAO RAN THE LABOR DEPARTMENT: The Associated Press reports that the first year of Labor Secretary Hilda Solis' tenure has brought "aggressive moves to boost enforcement and crack down on businesses that violate workplace safety rules have sent employers scrambling to make sure they are following the rules." In many ways, Solis has reversed the course of the Labor Department that was set by her Bush-era predecessor, Elaine Chao. Solis' crackdown has business lobbyists yearning for the days when Chao ran the show. "Our members are concerned that the department is shifting its focus from compliance assistance back to more of the 'gotcha' or aggressive enforcement first approach," Karen Harned, executive director of the National Federation of Independent Business' small business legal center, told BusinessWeek. Keith Smith, a spokesman for the National Association of Manufacturers, explained that his organizations wants "to build upon [Chao's] progress and recognize what's working." The business lobbyists' reaction to Solis' tenure is unsurprising, given the fact that her predecessor's Labor Department spent eight years "walking away from its regulatory function across a range of issues, including wage and hour law and workplace safety." The Government Accountability Office found that under Chao, the agency "did an inadequate job of investigating complaints by low-wage workers who alleged that their employers were stiffing them for overtime, or failing to pay the minimum wage." In one survey, 68 percent of low-income workers reported a pay violation in the previous week alone. Solis, meanwhile, has "slapped the largest fine in [Department] history on oil giant BP PLC for failing to fix safety problems after a 2005 explosion at its Texas City refinery." She is hiring 250 additional wage-theft inspectors, and "started a new program that scrutinizes business records to make sure worker injury and illness reports are accurate."
Former U.S. government officials said yesterday that the "suicide bomber who killed seven CIA operatives in Afghanistan last week was a Jordanian informant who lured intelligence officers into a trap by promising new information about al-Qaeda's top leadership." The bomber had been recruited to infiltrate the terrorist organization's leadership circles and was trusted by his CIA and Jordanian handlers.
"The Obama administration has transferred dozens of names from a broad terrorism database" to the no-fly list or to the Secondary Security Screening Selection list. White House spokesman Bill Burton said counterterrorism officials examined "thousands upon thousands" of names before deciding which to transfer.
The Obama administration's decision to require citizens traveling from 14 countries to receive extra searches at airports has drawn angry criticism from foreign officials. "It is unfair to discriminate against over 150 million people because of the behavior of one person," Nigerian information minister Dora Akunyili told the press.
Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-SC) was censured by the Lexington County Republican Party in South Carolina yesterday. Criticizing Graham for his vote in favor of the 2008 financial bailout and his outspoken support of immigration reform, the Lexington GOP became the second county party organization to pass a censure resolution.
$2.3 trillion: Amount the U.S. spent on health care in 2008, averaging $7,681 per person, and up 4.4 percent from 2007. The rate of growth was the lowest in 48 years because of the recession, although health spending "reached 16.2 percent of the gross domestic product in 2008, up from 15.9 percent in 2007." The White House called the new federal report "a striking reminder of what defenders of the status quo are defending."
"Senate Republicans are determined to prevent the creation of an independent Consumer Financial Protection Agency because they consider it as threatening as their current arch-nemesis regulator: the Environmental Protection Agency." "From the Republican point of view, the idea of a separate agency is still anathema," Sen. Bob Bennett (R-UT) told the Huffington Post. "Can you say EPA?"
"The number of Americans filing for personal bankruptcy rose by nearly a third in 2009, a surge largely driven by foreclosures and job losses," the Wall Street Journal reports. Personal bankruptcy filings hit 1.41 million last year, up 32 percent from 2008. Filing for Chapter 7 bankruptcy, "which liquidates assets to pay off some debts and absolves the filers of others," also rose 42 percent last year.
Secretary of State Hillary Clinton said yesterday that the Obama administration remains open to talks with Iran over its nuclear program, despite Tehran's unaccommodating stance. President Obama said he will move toward tougher sanctions if Iran does not respond positively to his overtures by the beginning of 2010.
Rajendra Pachauri, the chair of the Nobel Prize-winning U.N. Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, said that climate change skeptics and entrenched industries threaten to harm the world's poorest people. "Powerful vested interests are perhaps likely to get overactive in the coming months, and would perhaps do everything in their power to impede progress towards a binding agreement that is hoped for by the end of 2010 in Mexico City,"
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